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Unit 2: Consolidation of British Raj (1818-1843) and Development of Central Structure (1773-1863)
2.1 Consolidation of the British Raj (1818-1843) Notes
The decades following the retirement of Lord Hastings saw the rapid increase of the influence of the
Company in the internal administration of the states. The British Residents were usually the organs
of communication between the Government of India and the rulers of Indian states. Gradually their
influence and power increased. Mountstuart Elphinstone explained his work as Resident thus—
intelliegence work, reporting situation of native Raja’s armies and palace intrigues, performing military
duties. As early as 1805 Cornwallis wrote to Lord Lake that “unless the British Residents exercised a
power and an ascendancy that they ought not to exercise native governments would be immediately
dissolved.” With the assertion of the Company’s Paramountcy and adoption of the policy of
‘subordinate cooperation’ under Lord Hastings down to 1857 “the Resident ministers of the Company
at Indian courts were slowly but effectively transformed from diplomatic agents representing a foreign
power into executive and controlling officers of a superior government.” Lord Hastings himself noted
in his private journal: “Instead of acting in the character of ambassador, he (the Resident) assumes
the functions of a dictator; interferes in all their private concerns, countenances refractory subjects
against them and makes the most ostentatious exhibitions of his exercise of authority”. Raja Chandu
Lai during his administration in Hyderabad took his orders from the Resident, Colonel Low, Colonel
Walker acted as an administrator. Resident when he helped the Gaekwar to collect revenue from the
feudal chiefs. Colonel Macaulay wrote to the Raja of Cochin: The resident will be glad to learn that on
his arrival near Cochin the Raja will find it convenient to wait upon him.” Henry mead, a journalist,
wrote before 1857: “The whole functions of the government were carried on in most cases by the
Resident in fact, if not in appearance. The titular monarch sighed in vain for the personal freedom
enjoyed by his subjects.
It was Warren Hastings who organised a rudimentary framework of the judicial
system by setting up Diwani and Faujdari Adalats at the district level; appeals from
these adalats could be made to the Sadar Diwani Adalat and Sadar Nizamat Adalat
at Calcutta.
The Raja of Mysore maintained stud horses, race horses, organised gold cups and presented heavy
purses because the Resident was a lover of sports of turf’’.
The Charter Act of 1833 metamorphosed the character of the Company. The Company was asked to
wind up its commercial business. It assumed political functions in fact and name. A radical change
followed in the policy towards the Indian states. The Company adopted the practice of insisting on
its prior sanction and approval in all matter of succession in states. Later they found it practicable to
advise the princes on the choice ministers.
The policy of annexation of states whenever and wherever possible was laid down by the Court of
Directors in 1834. The policy was reiterated with emphasis in 1841 when the Court of Directors
issued a directive to the Governor-General “to persevere in the one clear and direct course of
abandoning no just and honourable accession of territory or revenue”. The Governors-General of
this period were frankly annexationists. Annexations were made to acquire new territories and new
sources of revenue on the plea of failure of natural heirs or misgovernment. The Company as the
supreme power had the right to withhold sanction for ‘adoption’ of heirs and the states in such cases
‘lapsed back’ to the Supreme Power. The Supreme authority which gave, it was argued, had the right
to take back also. As to the problem of misgovernment in native states, the Company itself was to be
greatly blamed. The Subsidiary System was full of evil consequences for the rulers of the Indian
states. “Wherever the Subsidiary System is introduced”, wrote Munro, “the country will soon bear
the marks of it, in decaying villages and decreasing population”. “If ever there was a device for
insuring mal-government”, wrote Sir Henry Lawrence in 1848, it is that of a native Ruler and Minister
both relying on foreign bayonets and directed by a British Resident. Even when all these are able,
virtuous and considerate, still the wheels of government could hardly move smoothly. Each of the
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