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Western Political Thought


                    Notes          In the Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884), Engels remarked that the state was
                                   generally a tool of the ruling class, but there were exceptional times when the warring classes
                                   balanced one another, giving it sufficient independence. The independence of a Bonapartist state,
                                   and its role as the “ostensible mediator” between the rival classes did not mean that the state was
                                   in a position of suspended animation. The Bonapartist state, in reality, ensured the safety and
                                   stability of bourgeois society, guaranteeing its rapid development.
                                   In opposition to the German Federalists, in 1848 Marx and Engels contended that a strong centre
                                   was a prerequisite of all modern states.
                                   They criticized the Frankfurt Assembly for not creating a sufficiently strong central government,
                                   and, conversely, praised the Jacobins during the French Revolution for overriding the powers of
                                   the elected local authorities and establishing a centralized administration. Subsequently, Lenin
                                   pointed out that the essential difference between the Marxists and the Anarchists was on the
                                   question of centralism.
                                   Both Marx and Engels had mixed feelings about parliamentary institutions. Whether the proletarian
                                   revolution would be violent or peaceful would depend on the level and maturity of democratic
                                   political institutions, but they were categorical that it would be democratic by virtue of being
                                   majoritarian. In the light of the severe restrictions on suffrage in their times, they had qualms
                                   about whether parliamentary means could act as instruments, or even as catalysts, for profound
                                   social and economic changes. Hence, the  Manifesto  stressed the need to introduce democratic
                                   institutions once the proletarian revolution was accomplished. The preliminary draft contended
                                   that the revolution would “inaugurate a democratic constitution and thereby directly or indirectly
                                   the political rule of the proletariat”.
                                   Future Society

                                   For Marx and Engels, Communist society eliminated all forms of alienation for the human
                                   individual, from nature, from society and from humanity. It did not merely mean consumer
                                   satisfaction, but the abolition of all forms of estrangement, the liberation of human forces and
                                   enhancement of personal creativity. The institution of private property and division of labour,
                                   identified as the source of alienation, would be destroyed as a prerequisite for the new and truly
                                   human phase in history. Marx and Engels viewed the proletariat as an agent, and not as a tool in
                                   history, and with the liberation of the proletariat came the liberation of society.
                                   The transitional phase, the phase between the destruction of the bourgeois state and the inauguration
                                   of a communist society, symbolized by the dictatorship of the proletariat, generated a great deal of
                                   controversy in Marxist political theory. Interestingly, one of the well-known Utopias was the least
                                   delineated. Marx’s cautious predictions were imposed by his own epistemological premises. Any
                                   discussion of the future (which was not yet an existing reality) would smack of philosophical
                                   idealism for it would amount to the description of an object that existed only in the consciousness
                                   of the thinking subject. Moreover, he did not want to rival those Socialists whom he branded as
                                   “utopian”, by constructing detailed blueprints for a communist society that would be determined
                                   by the specific conditions under which it was established.
                                   The crucial fact was that observations on future society were set forth in cautious tones “as a
                                   posthumous analysis of the passing of the bourgeois world”. Communism, for Marx, “can never
                                   be an ideal to which reality must adjust. It is reality that comes into being”. This was evident in
                                   the’ Critique of the Gotha Programme. “What we have to deal with here is communist society not as
                                   it has developed on its foundations, but on the contrary just as it emerges from capitalist society”.
                                   In the  Civil War in France, similar sentiments were stated. “The working class has no ideals to
                                   realize but to set free the elements of the new society with which the old bourgeois society itself is
                                   pregnant”.


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