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Unit 7: Constitutional Structure: Executive


          meeting takes place between the period provided for ordinary sessions, a session shall by right be  Notes
          held for a duration of 15 days.
          The Constitution empowers the President to send messages to the two Houses of the Parliament. He
          can call the Parliament for special sessions to hear his messages. ‘This message is to be read in the
          Assembly and the Senate but not to be debated. He appoints the President of the State Council and its
          three members out of nine. He can seek the opinion of the Constitutional Council in regard to the
          constitutional validity of organic laws and regulations made by the Parliament before they come into
          operation. It is obvious that the President has no veto power like his American counterpart to reject a
          bill or even, like the British king, he has no power of placing his signatures on the bill passed by the
          Parliament. According to a well-established convention, it may be discovered that he has a suspensive
          veto in the sense that he may ask the Parliament for the reconsideration of a bill as a whole or in part
          and his request cannot be refused.
          In addition to these executive and legislative powers, the President has emergency powers also. Art.
          16 of the Constitution lays down: “When the institution of the Republic, the independence of the
          nation, the integrity of the territory, or the fulfilment of its international commitments are threatened
          in a grave and immediate manner and when the regular functioning of the constitutional governmental
          authorities is interrupted, the President of the Republic shall take the measures commanded by these
          circumstances, after official consultation with the Premier, the Presidents of the Assemblies and the
          Constitutional Council. He shall inform the nation of these measures in message. These measures
          must be prompted by the desire to ensure to the constitutional governmental authorities, in the shortest
          possible time, the means of fulfilling their assigned functions. The Constitutional Council shall be
          consulted with regard to such measures. Parliament shall meet by right. The National Assembly may
          not be dissolved during the exercise of emergency powers by the President.”
          This provision places sweeping powers in the hands of the President by empowering him to take
          whatever steps he deems necessary and expedient to face the national crisis caused by a serious
          threat to the independence of the nation, the integrity of its territory or the fulfilment of international
          commitments, or when the regular functioning of the constitutional government is seriously
          interrupted. The actual use of authority under the provision of Art. 16 enables the President to secure
          more powers after their authorisation from the Parliament, or even delegate his emergency powers
          to the Cabinet if he is out of the country. For instance, President de Gaulle left a decree with his
          Cabinet (when he had gone to the United States in May, 1960) to make use of this particular power in
          case a rebellion broke out. Justification of this particular action of the President finds place not in the
          words of the Constitution as such as in the precedents of history. While discarding a note of dissent
          in this regard, de Gaulle recollected the case of President Lebrun who had told him that he had not
          been able to leave France in 1940, and so the resistance was delayed.
          An enumeration of the functions and powers of the President confirms the view that he is not at all a
          nominal executive like the English monarch. He is the ‘master’ of the national executive which has
          taken the Parliament under its subservience. The President is the virtual ‘master’ of both the executive
          and the legislature and the behaviour of de Gaulle well confirmed the fears of his critics. Herman Finer
          points out: “By these powers the executive branch has been immensely strengthened; the Assembly has
          been put in a subordinate place, in which it has reason truly to fear intimidation by a determined
          President of the Republic.” While taking the case of de Gaulle, Pickles holds that the Head of the Fifth
          Republic “regards both Government and Parliament as being, in their different ways, mere agents of
          the President. In fields which he considers vital, the President rules as well as reigns.”
          Actual Position: The actual position of the French President is a matter of debate. To the defenders of
          the Constitution, he is meant to be the head of the state as, according to the letter and spirit of the
          fundamental law of the land, he should be no more than that particularly during normal times. The
          chief engineer of this Constitution, Michael Debre, designates his political system as ‘parliamentary’
          and the ‘only one suitable for France’. If France has a parliamentary system of government, the position
          of the President despite a formidable list of his powers and prerogatives, remains like the President
          of the Indian Republic. On the contrary, it is asserted that France has a peculiar ‘Presidential’ system
          of government in which real power is in the hands of the President who keeps the Prime Minister as
          his nominee and who reigns as well as rules. It is evident from these points:


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