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Unit 6: Caste System in India


          group’ feature of caste also explains its structure. As a cultural phenomenon, caste may be viewed as  Notes
          a “set of values, beliefs and practices”. Most of the scholars have viewed caste as a solidarity and not
          as a set of values and attitudes.
          Bougie (1958: 9) has explained castes as “hereditarily specialized and hierarchically arranged groups”.
          He has given three characteristics of the caste system—hierarchy, hereditary specialization, and
          repulsion. Explaining the last characteristic, he claims that different castes repel rather than attract
          each other. Repulsion is manifested in endogamy, commensal restriction, and contact. This is, however,
          not true. We cannot and do not find repulsion among castes because they need each other.
          Kroeber (1939: 254) defines caste as “an endogamous and hereditary sub-division of an ethnic unit
          occupying a position of superior or inferior rank or social esteem in comparison with other such sub
          divisions”. According to him, castes are special forms of social classes which, in tendency at least, are
          present in every society. Kroeber’s notion of caste, thus, can be related to the functional theory of
          stratification prevailing in sociology today. Kathleen Gough (cf. Leach, 1960: 11) views castes as
          “ranked birth-status groups which are usually endogamous and tend to be associated with an
          occupation”. Senart (1930) has described caste as “a closed corporation, rigorously hereditary, bound
          with others (castes) by common occupation and equipped with a council that rules its members by
          the sanction of certain penalties”. Though this is not the wrong description of a caste but the use of
          the word ‘close corporation’ is questionable here. Besides, all castes do not have councils.
          Bailey (1960) and Srinivas (1962) have avoided the problem of definition of caste. They view castes as
          structures. Ketkar, Dutt, and Opler also instead of defining caste have given the inductive
          characteristics of the caste system. According to Ketkar (1909: 15), caste is a social group having two
          characteristics of hereditary membership and endogamy. Hutton (1963: 48) has criticized Ketkar’s
          definition. According to him, there are a number of castes, particularly in South India, which recruit
          members from other castes. To support this fact, he gives the examples of Ambalavasi caste (of temple
          servants) in Malabar in South India and Shagird Pesha (domestic servants), Chasa (cultivators) and
          Karan (writers) castes in Orissa. But Hutton’s examples are the exceptional cases and cannot be accepted
          for criticizing any definition. Hutton, however, feels that the description of caste as given by N.K.
          Dutt is normally an accurate description applicable to India as a whole. Dutt (1931: 3-4) has referred
          to the restrictions on marriage, eating and drinking, occupation, change in hereditary membership,
          and the hierarchical gradation of castes. Opler Morris (1950: 284) also believes that a short definition
          of caste is not satisfactory; so it is more illuminating to talk in terms of the characteristics of caste. He
          states: “Caste is hereditary and endogamous. It regulates social intercourse, is graded in rank, and
          has an assembly or a governing body which regulates its internal affairs.” Ghurye (1957: 2-19) has
          also given similar features of the caste system. Besides referring to hereditary membership, caste
          councils, hierarchy, and endogamy as the important features of the caste system, he also refers to the
          restrictions on feeding and social intercourse, lack of unrestricted choice of occupation, and civil and
          religious disabilities.
          All these scholars, thus, view caste system as composed of solidarities. Their perception is influenced
          either by the philosophical theories of civilization (as in the case of Ketkar and Dutt), or by the
          anthropological theories of culture (as in the case of Kroeber and Risley), or by the sociological theories
          of society (as in the case of Bougie and Ghurye).
          Caste, Varna, Sub-Caste and Tribe
          Many people confuse caste with varna, sub-caste and tribe. The interchange ability of these terms has
          created confusion in the sociological analysis of the institution of caste. Referring to this conceptual
          confusion, S.C. Dube (1958: vi) writes that the analytical short-cuts often blur the distinction between
          them (that is, terms like varna, caste and sub-caste), and the resulting portrayal of the social system
          does not remain useful for the purposes of meaningful comparison. The absence of common operational
          definitions and generally agreed upon units of analysis in studies of caste has obscured the
          understanding of caste as an essential aspect of the social system of Hindu India. Though the need
          for clarification between these concepts has been pointed out by all scholars, including Ghurye,
          Srinivas, Dube, Bailey and Mayer, etc., yet nobody has succeeded in pointing out the clear-cut difference
          in the various concepts. Logically it may be maintained that caste is a developed form of varna which


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