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Unit 6: Caste System in India


          in the community, by way of precaution, for the sake of defence and privileges, organized themselves  Notes
          into different castes. Thus, it was partly defence motive and partly imitation that other castes became
          hereditary. In other words, Nesfield attributes the origin of castes to two things: (i) occupation, and
          (ii) organization of the tribe.
          Supporting Nesfield, Denzil Ibbetson (Punjab Castes, 1916) also explains the origin of castes as the
          result of interaction of three forces: (i) tribe, (ii) guilds, and (ii) religion. He says that tribes developed
          as occupational guilds and they came to function on religious lines and thus developed as castes in
          the process of social evolution.
          Many scholars have, however, criticized Nesfield’s and Ibbetson’s theories. Senart poses a question
          that since many castes are engaged not in one but many occupations, how do they take their names?
          Is it from their dominant occupation? In Russia, Senart (Caste in India, 1930) claims that there are
          many villages in which total population is engaged in same occupation; for example, shoe-making or
          pottery etc. These villages are not assemblies of groups who have merged themselves into a community
          but they are communities which pursue a single industry. It is not occupation which results in grouping
          but grouping which results in community of occupation. Why should it not be the same in India?
          D.N. Majumdar (1952: 292) has also criticized Nesfield’s idea of the hierarchy of castes in terms of the
          superiority or the inferiority of the occupations. He maintains that the status of castes depends not on
          the superiority or the inferiority of occupation but upon the degree of purity of blood and the extent
          of isolation maintained by the groups. Hutton (1961: 43) too believes that Nesfield’s occupational
          theory does not explain the social status of various agricultural castes. One agricultural caste in North
          India has higher status but the same caste in South India has a different status. Scholars have criticized
          Nesfield’s theory of ‘defence mechanism’ also because it is certainly not accountable in the case of
          Vaishyas and Sudras.
          In spite of all this criticism, we cannot completely reject the occupational theory. It has some sociological
          significance. Sociologically speaking, the study of caste groups is the study of particular aspect of
          social stratification and every human society comes to be stratified into various groups when work
          becomes specialized and the number of occupational roles becomes so great that no discrimination
          can be made between each for purposes of assigning rewards and prestige. People and their kin
          having similar occupational roles interact with one another freely and frequently. These people together
          come to form what Harold Gould (The Economic Weekly, 1961) has called ‘sub-cultural groups’, each
          with different standard of living, moral outlook, socialization pattern type, and level of education,
          etc. These sub-cultural groups called ‘castes’ in India are thus in fact the occupational groups with
          ascribed status. They became rigid in our society because of two reasons. Our society with non-
          industrial civilization had ascription-oriented stratification in which the role and the role-occupant
          remain merged. This is because in non-industrial civilization, technology is based upon manual and
          animal energy and productive activities are performed in kinship groups. This means that occupations
          are part of the intrafamilial socialization process and are thus internalized as an intrinsic part of the
          parent-child relationship. Occupations are ‘inherited’ at birth, are believed to be transmitted in the
          ‘blood line’ and are, therefore, seen as part of the person himself. This is particularly true with
          reprehensible and sacerdotal occupations. This process of ‘internalization’ of occupation checked
          social mobility. Coupled with the religious concept of ceremonial purity, it further led to the
          development of static features of our social system. When there is change from non-industrial
          civilization to industrial civilization, old pattern is also carried over to new changed period. Hence,
          caste, which originated so many centuries ago, is still found in modern India. However, as
          industrialization in our society will reach advanced stages of development, these castes, that is
          ‘occupational groups with ascribed status’, will tend to be reduced in their importance. We may thus
          accept Nesfield’s occupational factor as one important factor in the origin of caste instead of completely
          rejecting the theory.
          Ketkar’s Theory
          Ketkar (1909: 16-28) traces the origin of castes from the early tribes and the psychological prejudicial
          tendencies of human-beings. He believes that castes are developed tribes or converted classes.
          Numerous tribes which were living in different parts of India existed as different units and after the


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