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Social Structure and Social Change

Notes Studying attitudes towards inter-caste commensal relations, Kuppuswami studied 188 Brahmins
and 290 non-Brahmins in South India in 1956. He found that 81.8 per cent respondents were prepared
to interdine with anyone irrespective of caste considerations, 12.5 per cent favoured interdining with
all castes except Harijans, and 3.8 per cent desired sharing food only with own caste members.
B. V. Shah (1968) in his study of two hundred students in Gujarat on the analysis of attitudes towards
interdining found that 13.5 per cent were against interdining; 54.0 per cent were against interdining
in the presence of parents; 14.0 per cent said that they would dine only with such lower castes as have
minimum cultural differences with them; and 18.5 per cent were prepared to set aside the traditional
taboos, even within the knowledge of their parents.
Talking of commensal relations in 1955, Kapadia (1959:74) said: “It is true that even in the rural areas,
interdining, where members of all castes sit together in a row, is not unknown today. But at the same
time, there is evidence to indicate that these inhibitions are not completely uprooted psychologically
even in the urban areas.” Kapadia, therefore, raised a question whether it will be a proper and adequate
basis for assuming that commensal taboos have almost died in Hindu society?
These studies were conducted about four decades ago. Since then people in our society have become
more liberal and broadminded in their dealings with members of other castes, including unclean
castes. So long the members of unclean castes are not engaged in unclean ocyoatuibsm occupations,
people do not mind in dining with them. The traditional Hindus (whose number is not large), of
course, still believe in observing old taboos in eating and drinking with others.
Marital Relations
Inter-community and inter-caste marriages have been given legal sanction as well as social approval.
Though people do not mind marrying with persons of other castes, yet a large number of people still
marry in their own castes. This is perhaps because the marriages of children are still settled by parents
and they believe that marital adjustment becomes easier when both partners have a similar social
background. There are cases where not only children marry outside their castes but even the parents
settle their children’s marriages in other castes. The main change is that marriage is considered to be
‘more a mutual thing’. A young person today does not emphasize ‘caste’ factor in mate selection but
he/she wants “a partner whom he/she knows and understands and who understands him/her and
who can give him/her much more of a sense of fulfilment.” Such person may or may not belong to
the same caste. Initially, the boys and girls may be studying in the same college or same class or may
be working in the same office or living in the same neighbourhood, yet being ‘strangers’ to one
another they want a certain amount of autobiography in the hope of establishing some common
interest or experience, at least to prove that one is worthy of the other’s attention. But parents still
emphasize on sanskaras and assume that caste and family background take care of a person’s personality
and will surely bring the necessary emotional involvement between the two partners after marriage.
Thus, though both young and old people express them-selves as not being against having marital
relations with persons of other castes but in practice they confine their marriages to their own castes.
About three and a half decades ago, scholars like Kuppuswami, B.V. Shah and Margaret Cormack
had found some of their student respondents in favour of inter-caste marriages. Kuppuswami (1957)
in a study of 478 students in 1956 had found 68.8 per cent students in favour of inter-caste and inter-
subcaste marriages, 22.4 per cent against such marriages, and 8.8 per cent in favour of inter- subcaste
marriages but against inter-caste marriages. B.V. Shah (1968) in his study of two hundred students in
Gujarat had found 65 per cent respondents in favour of marrying within caste and sub-caste, 26 per
cent in favour of inter-caste marriages, and 9 per cent as conditionally in favour of inter-castets
marriages. Margaret Cormack in her study of the attitudes of parents of five hundred students of
different universities in different states had found 51.2 per cent parents were agreeable to marry their
children outside their own castes if they found ‘better persons’, while 28.5 per cent were totally
against inter-caste marriages. Today, perhaps a very large number of persons may be found in favour
of inter-caste marriages but, as pointed out earlier, in practice they still seek partners from their own
castes.
Thus, young people often act in terms of two conflicting sets of norms—one set explicit and the other
set implicit. On the other hand, today’s parents have as many misgivings concerning marital relations

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