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Unit 8: Changing Trends and Future of Caste System

77) he said that “the change in the endogamy characteristic of caste is not clearly intelligible. We do Notes
find the number of inter-caste marriages on the increase, particularly during the last twenty years. At
the same time, we have clear evidence of the persistence of caste endogamy.” He thus concluded
(Ibid: 87) that whatever people may say about caste, there is yet acceptance of caste inhibitions. There
is an unmistakable evidence that caste is not on its last leg though it has undergone a significant
change.
Dumont taking up the question of “what is the caste system becoming nowadays” in his book Homo
Hierarchicus (1971: 217-18) holds that contemporary literature ‘exaggerates’ change. What is certain is
that the caste society, as an overall framework, has not changed. There has been change the society
and not the society. The only change that seems to have taken place is that the traditional
interdependence of castes has been replaced by a universe of impenetrable blocks, self-sufficient and
in competition with one another. Dumont calls this ‘the sub-stantialization of caste’ (cf. T.N. Madan’s
article in Dipankar Gupta (Ed.), Social Stratification, 1992: 82).
Andre Beteille (1977: 61-65) too has referred to some changes in the caste system; for example, in
structural distance, in style of life, in commensal relations, and in endogamy, etc. In the past, structural
distance among castes was maintained not only through the pursuit of different styles of life but by
interdictions or prohibitions of various kinds—on marriage, commensality and social interchange in
general. Today, the structural distance between two sub-divisions of the same subcaste is smaller
than that between any of one of these and a subdivision of a different caste. Changes have also taken
place in styles of life distinctive of particular castes in the traditional system. In the traditional system,
the unit of commensality was defined fairly rigidly in terms of caste affiliation. In recent decades,
there has been a gradual expansion of this unit. Today, Brahmins may interdine with ‘clean’ Sudras
but not generally with members of the polluting castes. The unit of endogamy has also expanded,
though to a far smaller extent. All these changes in the caste system, according to Beteille, are the
result of geographical mobility, western education, creation of new occupation to which recruitment
is at least in principle based on factors other than caste, process of modernization, and political factors.
However, it is evident that internal differentiation has proceeded much further among some castes
than others. Those castes which have been most open to westernization are probably the ones which
have changed most. Such, for example, are Brahmins, Kayasths, Nairs, etc. and in general castes
which have taken to western education and middleclass occupations and are predominantly urban
in their distribution. Peasant castes in the rural areas have perhaps retained a greater measure of
homogeneity and appear on the whole to have undergone less change.
Marx (First Indian War of Independence, 1959: 36) and Weber (Religion of India, 1958: 112) had two
opposite viewpoints on the effects of industrialization while looking at India. Marx argued that
colonialism had laid the foundation for the technological and economic changes, and these changes
(or modern industry) will dissolve the hereditary divisions of labour upon which rest the Indian
castes which have been decisive impediments to the progress of Indian society. Weber concluded
that caste had been a prime impediment to capitalist development and would always continue to
inhibit the growth of capitalism in the future.
Harold Gould ( 1988: 158) concludes that the truth lies somewhere between these two positions. The
effect of industrialization on caste system has gone further than Weber seems to have believed possible.
But there has been no dissolution of caste on the scale Marx foresaw. Parsons (The Social System, 1952:
185) has characterized this reality through what he calls ‘adaptive structures’, which have mitigated
the structural strains inherent in the exposure of people to competitive pressure where detailed
universalistic discriminations are impracticable. Harold Gould holds that this feature (of adaptive
structure) of caste in India is evident not only in cities but in the villages too where the caste system
continues to perform functions of security, solidarity and preferential treatment to groupings of people.
8.7 Future of Caste

There is no trace of caste system losing its grip. The change is in the attitudes of different castes to rise
above and gain social prestige. Changes in the caste scheme are continuous and regular but the caste
system remains intact for all practical purposes. The change is not in the direction of dissolving the

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