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Social Structure and Social Change
Notes A puzzling paradox confronts observers of modern society. We are witnesses to a dramatic expansion
of market-based economies whose capacity for wealth generation is awesome in comparison to both
the distant and the recent past. At the same time there is a growing perception of substantial threats
to the health and well being of today’s children.
Australia, regrettably, reflects this paradox. There is accumulating evidence that the threats to
Australian children’s development, health and wellbeing are increasing, with signs of growing
disadvantage, social exclusion and vulnerability in some communities. About half of the children
who are disadvantaged live in single-parent families, predominantly headed by their mother.
The trends in population and disadvantage are interrelated. Birth rates differ considerably by social
class. For the least advantaged Australians the birth rates may be double those of the more affluent
(ABS, 2008). However, the average interval between generations for the more affluent is almost double
that for the least affluent (approximately 29 years versus 16 years).
A 26-year-old woman has just become a grandmother. She gave birth at 14, her
daughter was 12. On the present trend, she will be a great-great-grandmother by the
age of 60.
These demographic changes highlight the difference in the proportions of families with young children
living in disadvantage or affluence, and mirror the data from elsewhere in the Western world. Not
only is there the link to birth rates, but disadvantage also influences the rates of infant mortality and
morbidity (the occurrence of health and developmental problems). The numerous risk factors that
lead to problems in childhood tend to be, though not exclusively, related to social class.
The interplay of child, family and community factors is also seen in the areas of abuse and neglect,
school failure, and criminality, among others (Hayes, 2007). These areas of social concern reflect
similar sets of risk factors related to disadvantage, limited parental education, family problems,
unemployment and lack of connectedness to community. The impacts on the development, health
and wellbeing of children in disadvantaged communities are widespread.
A considerable body of evidence is accumulating on a phenomenon called the “social gradient”. The
term refers to the increase or decrease in some aspect of development, health or wellbeing in direct
relation to social status. As social status increases, outcomes across the range of areas of development,
health and wellbeing are higher. These are, of course, population measures, and there will be variation
in outcomes with any social status group. The message is clear, however, that social status, including
one’s relative poverty, are powerful indicators of outcomes both within a development period and
across life.
Poverty and family types are also interrelated, with single-parent families being more likely to be in
the bottom quintiles of income, again placing children in these families at increased risk of a range of
developmental problems. The patterns are complex, however, with many individuals protected if
their family is well-functioning and community supports are available.
Irrespective of “social address”, however, separation and divorce increase the risk of behavioural
and relational problems in children. Although the data show that behaviour problems are present
prior to separation, boys are particularly at risk around the time that their fathers leave the household
on separation or divorce. The effects of separation and divorce are clearly long-term, as reflected in
the consistent findings of increased relationship and marriage problems and higher risk of separation
and divorce for adults who have themselves during their childhood experienced the breakdown of
their parents’ relationship.
The complex, and at times rapid, succession of relationships experienced by many children clearly
contributes to their risk of abuse, later behavioural adjustment problems and relationship difficulties.
Of children aged 0-17 years, 20% were living in sole-parent families, and 8% were living in either
step or blended families (ABS, 2004). Thus, about three in ten children were involved in sole-parent,
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