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Social  Stratification


                   Notes          A major area of concern and focus in India is the remarkable degree of within regional commonalities
                                  and across region contrasts in culture, gender bias, development and demography. Several
                                  researchers have recognised a cultural divide between north and south Indian states. North Indian
                                  kinship structure with exogamous marriage system favour strong patriarchal value and lower
                                  female autonomy compared to south Indian kinship structure of endogenous marriage system
                                  (Dyson and Moore, 1983; Karve, 1965; Sopher, 1980). Though, recent studies have found some
                                  blurring of north-south disparity in gender discrimination. India’s sex ratio, defined here as the
                                  number of women per 1000 men, has fallen steadily since the beginning of the 20th century. Date
                                  1 asks the question that has mystified demographers for many a decade : why has the sex ratio
                                  fallen by nearly 1% at each decennial enumeration ?
                                  Though the sex ratios increased for the first time this century from 1991-2001, there is little reason
                                  to be optimistic. At 933, the ratio is far behind the 972 of the 1901 census, and represents only a
                                  marginal improvement from the 927 of 1991. Regional disparities further complicate any
                                  demographic analysis: Northwestern India-including Punjab (874), Haryana (861), western Uttar
                                  Pradesh, Rajasthan (922), and northern Madhya Pradesh-has the lowest sex ratios in the country
                                  even though Punjab and Haryana are among the richest states in the country in terms of per
                                  capital income. The highest rates, once again, are in the high literacy rates of the south, Kerela (the
                                  only state with a positive sex ratio of 1058) and Tamil Nadu (986).
                                  Low infant and adult sex ratios are widely seen to be indicators of the dismal situation of women
                                  in the country. Mitra (1979) has likened the falling sex ratio to a measure of the oppression of
                                  women. Empirical evidence has shown a high correlation between low sex ratios and high female
                                  and maternal mortality rates (Coale 1991). Three popular explanations pervade academic literature-
                                  cultural explanations, discrimination in nutrition amidst falling food availability and increasing
                                  poverty, and differential access to health care amidst lowered health expenditure by the government.
                                  Economic Contribution of Women

                                  There is a tendency to assume that the status of women worsens as income level of the household
                                  decreases. However, several problems exist with this assumption. Sex ratios, for example, indicate
                                  a lower gender gap amongst schedule tribes and lower income classes as Sex ratios are found to
                                  be more favourable to women when monthly household expenditure and thus income level-is at
                                  its lowest. Explanations of this phenomena link higher sex ratios to the increased economic
                                  productivity of women; arguing that since women must work in poor families to earn supplemental
                                  incomes, they are considered economically productive and less “expendable”. This lowers biases
                                  against them in terms of intra-household access to nutrition and resources.
                                  Agnihotri (1998) support such a hypothesis in their findings that show that female labour
                                  participation significantly reduced prevalent masculine biases. The authors also found that increased
                                  labour force participation rate (hence LFPR) resulted in more widespread gains in North India-
                                  where the initial sex ratios were lower-than South India, though positive gains were recorded in
                                  both communities. The implication of such studies initially appears to suggest that interventions
                                  that increase income-generating employment (i.e. not including domestic labour) and empowerment
                                  of women are the most successful in actually changing systems of bias against women, and thus
                                  will effect long-term changes.
                                  Such a hypothesis, however, comes with its own reservations. Increasing the waged work of
                                  women implies an addition to their already substantive domestic duties. The burden of working
                                  hours in addition to domestic management could have direct effects on a woman’s health, her
                                  efficiency, and her status within the family should her domestic duties be neglected. In addition,
                                  such interventions continue in an established trend of devaluing women’s domestic work and
                                  seeing it as inimical to their development, rather than trying to engage women’s domestic
                                  productivity into their development process. It must be understood that simply increasing income




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