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Unit 26: Affixes: Prefixes, Suffixes, Infixes and Circumfixes

words exists, both members of which are spelt identically, one of which is a verb and the other of Notes
which is either a noun or an adjective, then the stress is placed on the second syllable of the verb
but on the first syllable of the noun or adjective. Some common examples are given below
(V = verb, A = adjective, N = noun):
abstract 'æbstrækt (A) æb'strækt (V)
conduct 'kZnd• kt (N) kbd'd• kt (V)
contract 'kZntrækt (N) kbn'trækt (V)
contrast 'kbntrY+st (N) kbn'trY+st (V)
desert 'dezbt (N) dw'zf+t (V)
escort 'eskb+t (N) w'sk]+t (V)
export 'eksp]+t (N) wk'sp]+t (V)
import 'wmp]+t (N) wm'p]+t (V)
insult 'wns• lt (N) wn's• lt (V)
object 'Zbd¥ekt (N) bb'd¥ekt (V)
perfect 'pf+fwkt (A) pb'fekt (V)
permit 'pf+mwt (N) pb'mwt (V)
present 'preznt (N, A) prw'zent (V)
produce 'prZdju+s (N) prb'jus (V)
protest 'prb•test (N) prb'test (V)
rebel 'rebl (N) rw'bel (N)
record 'rek]+d (N, A) rw'k]+d (V)
subject 's• bd¥ekt (N) sbb'd¥ekt (V)
Self-Assessment
1. Give example of the following prefix:
(i) a, an (ii)ab (iii) acro (iv) act

26.8 Summary

• Looking specificially at compounds, it is worth reading Fudge (1984: Chapter 5). See also
Cruttenden (2008: 242–5). If you wish to go more deeply into compound-word stress, you
should first study English word formation. Recommended reading for this is Bauer (1983). On
the distinction between stem and root, see Radford et al (1999; 67–8).
• In this article, we have tried to show that the position of the infix can be derived from more
general principles. We have proposed that morpho-syntactic infixes cannot appear in word
final position because of the general principle that forces every word to have a grammatical
category. As the infix is the materialisation of a head without category features that selects a
root, it must be dominated by a categorising head, such as little v or little n. In the case of
morpho-phonological infixes, as they are part of the contextual allomorphs of certain pieces
of the Vocabularuy, they only appear when specific VI's are adjacent to them; in the absence
of the adjacent constituent, the infix does not materialise. Therefore, the position of the infix
does not have to be stipulated, but is the by-product of independently motivated grammatical
phenomena.
• In the same sense, our explanation shows that these elements are not necessarily pieces of
evidence for non-configurational theories of word formation. They are amenable to a
configurational analysis where their properties can be explained and their position can be
motivated.

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