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Unit 8: Peasant Movements


          But once the British declared martial law and repression began in earnest, the character of the  Notes
          rebellion underwent a definite change. Many Hindus were either pressurized into helping the
          authorities or voluntarily gave assistance and this helped to strengthen the already existing anti-
          Hindu sentiment among the poor illiterate Mappilas who in any case were motivated by a strong
          religious ideology. Forced conversions, attacks on and murders of Hindus increased as the sense
          of desperation mounted. What had been largely an anti-government and anti-landlord affair
          acquired strong communal overtones.
          The Mappilas’ recourse to violence had in any case driven a wedge between them and the Non-
          Cooperation Movement which was based on the principle of non-violence. The communalization
          of the rebellion completed the isolation of the Mappilas. British repression did the rest and by
          December 1921 all resistance had come to a stop. The toll was heavy indeed: 2,337 Mappilas had
          lost their lives. Unofficial estimates placed the number at above 10,000. A total of 45,404 rebels
          were captured or had surrendered. But the toll was in fact even heavier, though in a very different
          way. From then onwards, the militant Mappilas were so completely crushed and demoralized that
          till independence their participation in any form of politics was almost nil. They neither joined the
          national movement nor the peasant movement that was to grow in Kerala in later years under the
          Left leadership.
          The peasant movements in U.P. and Malabar were thus closely linked with the politics at the
          national level. In U.P., the impetus had come from the Home Rule Leagues and, later, from the
          Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movement. In Avadh, in the early months of 1921 when peasant
          activity was at its peak, it was difficult to distinguish between a Non-cooperation meeting and a
          peasant rally. A similar situation arose in Malabar, where Khilafat and tenants’ meetings merged
          into one. But in both places, the recourse to violence by the peasants created a distance between
          them and the national movement and led to appeals by the nationalist leaders to the peasants that
          they should not indulge in violence. Often, the national leaders, especially Gandhiji, also asked
          the peasants to desist from taking extreme action like stopping the payment of rent to landlords.
          This divergence between the actions and perceptions of peasants and local leaders and the
          understanding of the national leaders had often been interpreted as a sign of the fear of the middle
          class or bourgeois leadership that the movement would go out of its own ‘safe’ hands into that of
          supposedly more radical and militant leaders of the people. The call for restraint, both in the
          demands as well as in the methods used, is seen as proof of concern for the landlords and propertied
          classes of Indian society. It is possible, however, that the advice of the national leadership was
          prompted by the desire to protect the peasants from the consequences of violent revolt, consequences
          which did not remain hidden for long as both in U.P. and Malabar the Government launched
          heavy repression in order to crush the movements. Their advice that peasants should not push
          things too far with the landlords by refusing to pay rent could also stem from other considerations.
          The peasants themselves were not demanding abolition of rent or landlordism, they only wanted
          an end to ejectments, illegal levies, and exorbitant rents — demands which the national leadership
          supported. The recourse to extreme measures like refusal to pay rent was likely to push even the
          small landlords further into the lap of the government and destroy any chances of their maintaining
          a neutrality towards the on-going conflict between the government and the national movement.
          Bardoli Satyagrah
          The no tax movement that was launched in Bardoli taluq of Surat district in Gujarat in 1928 was
          also in many ways a child of the Non-cooperation days. Bardoli taluq had been selected in 1922 as
          the place from where Gandhiji would launch the civil disobedience campaign, but events in
          Chauri Chaura had changed all that and the campaign never took off. However, a marked change
          had taken place in the area because of the various preparations for the civil disobedience movement
          and the end result was that Bardoli had undergone a process of intense politicization and awareness
          of the political scene. The local leaders such as the brothers Kalyanji and Kunverji Mehta, and
          Dayalji Desai, had worked hard to spread the message of the Non-Cooperation Movement. These
          leaders, who had been working in the district as social reformers and political activists for at least


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