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Unit 9: Jeremy Bentham


          affections, a deficiency in point of strength is never to be apprehended: all that is to be apprehended  Notes
          in respect of them, is to be apprehended on the side of their excess. Society is held together only
          by the sacrifices that men can be induced to make of the gratifications they demand: to obtain
          these sacrifices is the great difficulty, the great task of government. What has been the object, the
          perpetual and palpable object, of this declaration of pretended rights. To add as much force as
          possible to these passions, but already too strong, to burst the cords that hold them in, to say to the
          selfish passions, there—everywhere—is your enemy. Such is the morality of this celebrated
          manifesto (Bentham ibid: 495).
          Bentham, unlike Burke and Marx, identified self-interest as the core of human nature, but like
          them, visualized the possibility of human society depending on people pursuing interests other
          than those that were narrowly self-centred. All three attacked the natural rights doctrine on the
          premise that it sought to provide instant and unconditional gratification of purely selfish individual
          desires. They were not willing to organize a community exclusively on the principle of self-
          interest:
               Each of them offered a wider vision—the altruism of Bentham’s principle of utility,
               the intergenerational wisdom of Burke’s traditions and the cooperative fulfillment of
               Marxian species-being. For all of them, human life, to be bearable, involved a substantial
               commitment to living together in community that is belied by the abstract egoism of a
               theory of human rights.
          Bentham also rejected the idea of the social contract as pure fiction, a falsehood, on the premise
          that the binding force of a contract came from a government, from the habit of enforcement and
          not vice versa. Following Hume, he dismissed the social contract as a chimera, a fiction never
          entered into. “The notion of an actually existing unconnected  state of nature is too wild to be
          seriously admitted” (Bentham 1962: 36). He asserted that the social contract argument, along with
          the notion of natural law and natural rights, led us to an “unavoidable inference that all
          government... that have had any other origin ... are illegal” and “resistance to them and subversion
          of them, lawful and commendable” (Bentham 1965: 500, 501). For Bentham, the principle of utility
          provided the basis of all political and moral obligations.

          9.6 Women and Gender Equality

          Bentham argued for women’s right to vote and the right to participate as equals in the government.
          In Introduction, he attacked the presumption that women should be accorded a subordinate status
          because of their inferior minds. Under the influence of Helvetius, Bentham paid attention to the
          needs of women. However, he was critical of Helvetius for condoning the practice in “certain
          barbarous or half civilized nations” where warriors were rewarded with favours of women.
          Interestingly, he tried to absolve Helvetius by alleging that perhaps “Montesquieu had led him
          into this error”. Even then, Bentham commented that both Helvetius and Montesquieu were:
               ... philosophers distinguished for their humanity—both of them good husbands and
               good fathers—how could they have forgotten that favours not preceded by an
               uncontrolled choice and which the heart perhaps repelled with disgust afforded the
               spectacle rather of the degradation of woman than the rewarding a hero ... both of
               them were eloquent against slavery, how could they speak in praise of a law which
               supposes the slavery of the best half of the human species.
          In his  Plan for Parliamentary Reform, Bentham favoured women’s suffrage, but in  Constitutional
          Code he realized that though there was nothing wrong with women’s suffrage, the time was not
          ripe for it. His reluctance was not because women lacked the capacity and rationality to vote, but
          because men would oppose it so stiffly that it could jeopardize the very cause. As for women’s
          involvement in government, he felt it would lead to “nothing but confusion and ridicule”. Bentham


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