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Western Political Thought

Notes government, on the other he prescribed a despotic princedom for reforming a corrupt people and
in establishing a state. Therefore, Machiavelli
patched together, rather precariously, [as] the theories respectively of founding a state
and of preserving it after it is founded ... he had one theory for revolutions and
another for government.
If a state had to endure and be stable, people’s participation, respect for rights, and, in particular,
property and adherence to law and customs were very important. Machiavelli was convinced that
people’s participation through the electoral process would yield a steady supply of leaders. He
had immense faith in elections, for people were prudent and wise, with a rare capacity to judge
issues. People, in comparison to a prince, made fewer mistakes. Their choice of magistrates was
better than those made by the prince. People in general were more stable, trustworthy and grateful,
capable of looking to common good and promoting it. He equated the voice of the people with the
voice of God. For Machiavelli:
... people are more governable than aristocrats who vie with another for power and
domination. Since people desire security for their wives and property they can be
handled properly if these basic human needs are satisfied. By vesting greater faith in
the masses as opposed to heroic leaders Machiavelli showed greater insights into the
nature of political mass rather than any other thinker before the nineteenth century.
Machiavelli emerged as a consistent, passionate and devoted champion of people’s participation
and republican liberty, for he was convinced that a government by people was far better than
government by a prince. This created the image of Machiavelli as a scientist or a technician,
merely surveying dispassionately the different forms of government and laying down a science of
statecraft.
Violence and the Need for Caution

Machiavelli was convinced that the use of violence could be controlled, but could not be altogether
eliminated. He recommended the cautious and judicious exercise of despotic violence, for otherwise
it would create widespread distrust and hostility towards the government, resulting in instability.
He saw violence as a shock therapy to cure corruption and rejuvenate civic virtu. Machiavelli:
... regarded the science of violence as the means for reducing the amount of suffering
in the political condition, but that he was clearly aware of the dangers of entrusting its
use to the morally obtuse. What he hoped to further by his economy of violence was
the “pure” use of power, undefiled by pride, ambition, or motives of petty revenge ...
[he] was aware of the limited efficacy of force and who devoted himself to showing
how its technique could be used more efficiently, was far more sensitive to the moral
dilemmas of politics and far more committed to the preservation of man than those
theorists who, saturated with moral indignation and eager for heroic regeneration,
preach purification by the holy flame of violence.
The government ought to use force carefully even in external affairs. While war was inevitable
and unavoidable, its consequences could be minimized by discipline, organization and strategy.
Machiavelli advised the prince to carefully consider his resources, for a war started for a trivial
reason could not be stopped easily. Moreover, if a prince emerged weak after victory, it would
mean that he had overestimated his resources. Machiavelli observed that it would be a grave
mistake to avoid a war that was necessary, but it would be equally reckless to prolong it or to
initiate one that was unnecessary.
Machiavelli exhorted the need to follow the Roman example even with regard to territorial
expansion. The aim of imperialism was to preserve the wealth of the subject populations and their
native institutions, thus minimizing the costs of devastation to both the conquered and the
conqueror. Imperialism would become a mere transfer of power if handled efficiently. Machiavelli

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