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Comparative Politics and Government


                    Notes          the Senate to support or oppose a bill as per their interest. In case their purpose in not served in the
                                   legislative world, they shift their attention to the world of administration where every interest
                                   “attempts to ‘colonise’ the government in a number of ways: by influencing administrators, by offering
                                   them important jobs in their own organisations, by representing them with facts and figures that
                                   appear to be convincing.”
                                   Critical Appreciation: However, the political behaviour of the interest groups in France is much
                                   different from that of their Anglo-American counterparts in view of the fact that here pressure groups,
                                   like political parties, frequently take to the course of agitation and violence in which the part of the
                                   communists is too obvious. The multi-party system of this country with the tradition of violent
                                   revolutions is responsible for making the position of institutional and anomic groups more important
                                   than that of the situation obtaining in Britain. The Communist Party has its ‘supporters’ in the trade
                                   union organisations and certain institutional groups (like the Catholic Church) have their colonies in
                                   the political parties with the result that the parties and pressure groups interpenetrate each other.
                                   Such a study of the existence and articulation of interest organisations in the politics of France shows
                                   that here political pluralism has a very fragmented character. Not the existence of so many political
                                   parties and groups but the state of isolation and the process of disintegration engage our attention.
                                   The differences between different groups, even among the important figures of the same group, have
                                   been so deep that they have not been able to act in unison. Quite often the groups have failed to
                                   generate a common strategy with the result that no definite rule of political behaviour can be laid
                                   down after making a study of pressure group politics in this country. One is struck with the fact that
                                   even the groups of the workers and intellectuals have sharp differences so much so that one may
                                   suggest the existence of an isolative political culture in this country. Though at times of great national
                                   crisis, unity has been achieved around the ‘myth of France’, yet the content of national symbols “has
                                   always given rise to disagreement—the interpretations of Jaures and Maurras, Renan and Daudet,
                                   being obviously incompatible. The real France has never been able to produce a legal France in its
                                   image.
                                   It is due to this that while the ‘bourgeois’ interests have been in a position of advantage due to the
                                   practical application of their secret lobbying tactics, the ‘proletarian’ organisations have suffered.
                                   The political ineffectiveness of the labour organisation stems from a relatively late development of an
                                   organised working class movement and also from the tendency of French trade unionists to divide
                                   themselves between rivals, if not warring ideological camps. Moreover, the failure of the movement
                                   of syndicalism had its own impact on the working class movement of France. A large section of the
                                   workers felt disillusioned when it found that the official policy of the Confederation (CGS) was wrong
                                   as it was based on the belief that working class victories could be won not piecemeal through
                                   parliamentary means but, in one major push, through the general strike. Moreover, a section of the
                                   ultra-leftists was taken aback when it found that most of the workers’ unions took a pro-bourgeois
                                   stand during the days of the First World War. The result was that the ultra-leftists (communists)
                                   formed an organisation (CGTU) that was disbanded in 1936 when the Popular Front came into being
                                   and a large section of the ‘leftists’ rejoined the CGT dominated mostly by the socialists.
                                   The state of disintegration is still plaguing the politics of pressure groups to the extent that neither
                                   political parties nor pressure groups have been able to form an autonomous sub-system of their own.
                                   There is much of anomism and Poujadism in the political behaviour of various interest groups that
                                   places the stasiological politics of France in a category different from its Anglo-American counterparts.
                                   In fact, the significance of many institutional and anomic interest groups “is directly related to the
                                   uneven effectiveness of associational interest groups, the absence of any effectively aggregative party
                                   system, and its fragmented or isolative political culture. Parties and interest groups in France do not
                                   constitute differentiated, autonomous political subsystems. They interpenetrate one another.”
                                   National People’s Congress and its Standing Committee

                                   Like its predecessor, the new Constitution declares the NPC as the ‘highest organ of State power’.
                                   During its absence its Standing Committee has highest legislative authority. Its term is fixed at five
                                   years. As a unicameral Parliament, it consists of one house having Deputies elected by the provinces,



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