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Unit 7: Jajmani System

Hereditary relationship- Jajmani rights are enjoyed hereditarily. After the death of a man his son is Notes
entitled to work as kameen for the same jajman family of families. The son of a jajman also accepts the
son of the kameen as his kameen.
Multidimensional relationship- Due to the permanency of relationship both the jajman and kameen
families become mutually dependent on each other. The relationship becomes very deep. They often
take part in the personal and family affairs, family rituals and ceremonies.
Barter exchange-Under jajmani system the payments are made mainly in terms of goods and
commodities. The kameen gets his necessities from the jajman in return of his services.
The jajmani system has gradually decayed in modern society. There are many reasons responsible
for it. Modern economic system that measures everything in terms of its monetary value. The decline
of belief in caste system and hereditary occupation has given a strong blow to the system. Growth of
better employment opportunities outside the village and introduction of new transport options.
7.5 Jajmani Relations

Sometimes the relations between two or among more castes based on supplying a few things may
only be contractual but not jajmani. For example, the weaver who is paid in cash for what he makes
and sells is not entitled to customary share of the harvest. He is not a kamin and the purchaser is not
his jajman. Further even in jajmani relations, there may be some products or services that may be
contracted and paid for separately. For example, the rope-makers in village may supply the farmers,
under jajmani arrangements, all necessary ropes except the rope used in wells which is specially long
and thick and for which special payment has to be made.

The jajmani relations entail ritual matters and social support as well as economic exchanges.
The servicing castes perform the ritual and ceremonial duties at the jajman’s houses on
occasions like birth, marriage and death.

D.N. Majumdar (1958) has given the example of a Thakur family (of Rajput caste) in a village in
Lucknow district in Uttar Pradesh which is served by as many as families of ten castes for the lifecycle
rites. For example, at the birth-feast of a child, Brahmin presides over the ceremony of ‘Nam-Sanskaran’
(giving a name), Sunar (goldsmith) provides the gold ornament for the new-born, Dhobi (washerman)
washes dirty clothes, Nai (barber) carries messages, Khati (carpenter) provides a wooden stool (patta)
on which the child is kept for the ceremony, Lohar (blacksmith) provides kara (iron bangle), Kumhar
(potter) provides kulhar (jugs) for keeping cooked vegetables and drinking water, Pasi provides patal
(leaf-plates) for taking food, and Bhangi (scavenger) cleans the place after the feast. All people who
help, receive gifts of food, money and clothes depending partly on custom, partly on jajman’s affluence,
and partly on the recipient’s entreaty.
The kamins (lower castes) who provide specialized skills and services to their jajmans (higher castes)
themselves need the goods and services of others. According to Harold Gould (1987: 169-70), these
lower castes make their own jajmani arrangements either through direct exchange of labour or by
paying in cash or kind. The middle castes also, like the lower castes, either subscribe to each other’s
services in return for compensations and payments or exchange services with one another.
The kamins not only provide goods to their jajmans but also perform those tasks for them which
pollute them (jajmans); for example, washing of dirty clothes (by Dhobis), cutting of hair (by Nais),
delivery of the new-born (by Nain), cleaning toilets (by Bhangi), and so on. Though Dhobis, Nais,
Lohars, etc. are themselves ranked as lower castes, yet they do not serve as kamins to Harijans, nor the
Brahmins take these lower castes as their jajmans. However, when the lower caste families prosper,
they discard their polluting occupations and try to get (and succeed also) ritual specialists to serve
them.

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