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Social Structure and Social Change


                    Notes          The jajmani links are between families rather than castes. Thus, a family of Rajputs gets its metal tools
                                   from a particular family of the Lohar (blacksmith) caste and not from all Lohar castes in the village.
                                   It is the particular former family of Lohars which will get a share of the Rajput family’s crop at
                                   harvest and not other Lohar families. This jajmani relationship between the two families (of Lohar
                                   and Rajput) is durable because the Lohar family serves the same Rajput family that his father and
                                   grandfather served. The Rajput family also gets its tools and repairs from the descendants of the
                                   same Lohar family whose men made tools for their forefathers. If one of the associated families dies
                                   out, another of its lineage may take its place in the relationship. As an example, in the above case, if
                                   the Lohar’s family has more sons than its clientele (Rajput family) can support, some seek other
                                   associates in places where there is shortage of Lohars (Blacksmiths).
                                   Orenstein (1962: 310-14) has held that the families of village officials or village servants (for example,
                                   the watchmen) maintain jajmani relations with the whole village rather than with particular families.
                                   Thus, a watchman’s family gets a contribution at harvest time from every landowner farmer’s family
                                   in the village. The village servants may also have the tax-free use of villageland. Some service families
                                   maintain jajmani relations with a segment of the village rather than individual families. Such families
                                   have rights to serve all those who live in a particular section of the village.
                                   Referring to the jajmani system, Kolenda (1963: 11-31) has said: “Hindu jajmani system may be
                                   approached as an institution or social system within Indian villages made up of a network of roles
                                   and of norms integrated into the roles and into the system as a whole and legitimized and supported
                                   by general cultural values.” The important questions which need to be analyzed in the jajmani system
                                   are: What is the function of the system? What are the roles involved? What are its norms and values?
                                   How is the power and authority distributed in the system? How is this system related to other systems?
                                   What is the motivation in maintaining the system? What changes has the system undergone?
                                   7.6 Functions and Roles of Jajmani System

                                   Analyzing the function of the jajmani system, Leach (1960) has said that the jajmani system maintains
                                   and regulates the division of labour and economic interdependence of castes. According to Wiser
                                   (1967: 35), the jajmani system serves to maintain the Indian village as a self-sufficing community.
                                   Harold Gould (1987) has said that it (jajmani system) distributes agricultural produce in exchange for
                                   menial and craft services. Beidelman (1959) is of the opinion that it (jajmani system) maintains higher
                                   castes’ prestige.
                                   The roles involved in the jajmani system are those of jajmans and kamins. The kamin castes render
                                   certain occupational, economic and social services to the jajman castes for which the latter pay them
                                   at fixed intervals or on special occasions. However, all castes do not necessarily participate in this
                                   reciprocal exchange. For example, Teli is one caste which is normally not involved in the exchange of
                                   services system. Kamins’ clientele may include members of his own village as well as other villages.
                                   Kamin may sell his rights to a client to another kamin. The important thing in the role-relationship of
                                   jajman-kamin is giving of various concessions, for example, free food, free clothes, free residence,
                                   rent-free land, casual aid, aid in litigation, etc. and protection of kamins by jajmans during various
                                   exigencies of life.
                                   However, the jajmani system is not reciprocal in all villages. Kolenda (1963: 11-32) has maintained
                                   that dominant castes swing the balance of power in their favour in such relationships in many villages
                                   in India. Yogendra Singh (1973: 187) also believes that villages in India are changing today in respect
                                   of economic institutions, powers structure, and inter-caste relationships. A major source of economic
                                   change is land reform which has been introduced through abolition of intermediaries, tenancy reforms,
                                   ceiling of landholdings, redistribution of land, development of co-operative farming and religio-
                                   economic movement for gift of surplus land by the rich to the poor as bhoodan. These measures have
                                   affected interaction among castes, jajmani system, and the social system of the villages.
                                   Norms and Values
                                   The traditional method of payment, almost in all regions in the country, is that it is made at harvest
                                   time when each landowning farmer family hands over some newly produced foodgrains to various



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