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Unit 11: Trade Union Act, 1926




                                                                                                Notes


             Note  Marx and Engels lived as revolutionary exiles in England during the period of the
             rise of trade unionism. Even before they had arrived in England, they had recognized the

             objective significance of trade unionism as the response of the working class to the efforts
             of the employers to lower their wages. In opposition to the petty-bourgeois theoretician
             Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who denied the utility of both trade unions and strikes on the
             grounds that increases in wages achieved through their efforts led only to increases in
             prices Marx insisted that both formed necessary components of the struggle of the working
             class to defend its standard of living.
             Marx was certainly correct in his criticism of the views of Proudhon, but it is necessary
             to bear in mind that these early writings were produced at a time when the trade unions
             themselves were still in their swaddling clothes. The experience of the working class
             with this new organizational form was extremely limited. The possibility could not be
             foreclosed, at that time that the trade unions could yet evolve into potent instruments of
             revolutionary struggle, or at least as the direct forerunners of such instruments. This hope
             was expressed in Marx’s observation in 1866 that as “centers of organization” the trade
             unions were playing for the working class the same role “as the medieval municipalities
             and communes did for the middle class.”
             Even by then, however, Marx was concerned that “the Trades” Unions have not yet fully
             understood their power of acting against the system of wages slavery itself.” But it was in
             this direction that they had to evolve:
             “Apart from their original purposes, they must now learn to act deliberately as organizing
             centers of the working class in the broad interest of its complete emancipation. They must
             aid every social and political movement tending in that direction. Considering themselves
             and acting as champions and representatives of the whole working class, they cannot fail
             to enlist the non-society men into their ranks. They must look carefully after the interests of
             the worst paid trades, such as the agricultural laborers, rendered powerless by exceptional
             circumstances. They must convince the world at large that their efforts, far from being

             narrow and selfish, aim at the emancipation of the downtrodden millions.”
             Marx sought to impart to the trade unions a socialist orientation. He warned the workers

             “not to exaggerate to themselves” the significance of the struggles engaged in by the trade

             unions. At most, the unions were “fighting with effects, but not with the causes of those
             effects; that they are retarding the downward movement; that they are applying palliatives,
             not curing the malady.” It was necessary for the unions to undertake a struggle against the
             system that was the cause of the workers’ miseries; and, therefore, Marx proposed to the
             trade unions that they abandon their conservative slogan, “A fair day’s wage for a fair day’s
             work,” and replace it with the revolutionary demand, “Abolition of the wages system.”
             But Marx’s advice made little impression, and by the late 1870s, the observations of Marx
             and Engels on the subject of trade unionism had assumed a far more critical character. Now
             that bourgeois economists were expressing greater sympathy toward the trade unions,
             Marx and Engels took pains to qualify their earlier endorsement. They distinguished their
             views from those of bourgeois thinkers like Lujo Brentano, whose enthusiasm for the trade
             unions was dictated, according to Marx and Engels, by his desire “to make the wage-slaves
             into contented wage-slaves.”
             By 1879, it was possible to detect in Engels’ writings on the subject of trade unionism an
             unmistakable tone of disgust. He noted that the trade unions had introduced organizational
             statutes that prohibited political action, thus barring “any participation in any general
             activity on the part of the working class as a class.” In a letter to Bernstein, dated June 17,
                                                                                Contd...



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