Page 30 - DPOL202_COMPARATIVE_POLITICS_AND_GOVERNMENT_ENGLISH
P. 30

Unit 2: Comparative Method and Politics


             system, and political stability in Germany under the Weimar and Bonn Republics. Frye argues  Notes
             that “for the study of these relationships, Weimar and Bonn make a particularly good case
             [strictly speaking, two cases] because there are more constants and relatively fewer variables
             than in many cross-national studies. Yet the differences could hardly be sharper.”
             Unless the national political system itself constitutes the unit of analysis, comparability can
             also be enhanced by focusing on intranation instead of internation comparisons. The reason is
             again the same: comparative intranation analysis can take advantage of the many similar
             national characteristics serving as controls. Smelser illustrates the utility of this strategy with
             the example of a hypothetical research project on industrialization in Germany and Italy: “For
             many purposes it would be more fruitful to compare northern Italy with southern Italy, and
             the Ruhr with Bavaria, than it would be to compare Germany as a whole with Italy as a whole.
             These two countries differ not only in level of industrialization, but also in cultural traditions,
             type of governmental structure, and so on.” The advantage of intra-unit comparison is that
             inter-unit differences can be held constant. “Then, having located what appear to be operative
             factors in the intra-unit comparisons, it is possible to move to the inter-unit comparisons to see
             if the same differences hold in the large.”
             As Juan J. Linz and Amando de Miguel point out, a particularly promising approach may be
             the combination of intranation and internation comparisons: “The comparison of those sectors
             of two societies that have a greater number of characteristics in common while differing on
             some crucial ones may be more fruitful than overall national comparisons.” An illustrative
             example of this approach in the political realm is suggested by Raoul Naroll: “If one wishes to
             test theories about the difference between the cabinet and the presidential systems of government.
             . . one is better advised to compare Manitoba and North Dakota than to compare Great Britain
             and the United States, since with respect to all other variables Manitoba and North Dakota are
             very much alike, while Great Britain and the United States have many other differences.”
          4. Focus the comparative analysis on the “key” variables: Finally, the problem of “many variables”
             may be alleviated not only by some of the specific approaches suggested above but also by a
             general commitment to theoretical parsimony. Comparative analysis must avoid the danger of
             being overwhelmed by large numbers of variables and, as a result, losing the possibility of
             discovering controlled relationships, and it must therefore judiciously restrict itself to the really
             key variables, omitting those of only marginal importance. The nature of the comparative
             method and its special limitations constitute a strong argument against what Lass-well and
             Braibanti call “configurative” or “contextual” analysis: “the identification and interpretation of
             factors in the whole social order which appear to affect whatever political functions and their
             institutional manifestations have been identified and listed for comparison” (Braibanti’s
             definition). Lasswell argues that the comparative method as usually applied has been
             insufficiently configurative, and calls for the exploration of more variables: the entire context—
             past, present, and future—”must be continually scanned.”
             Scanning all variables is not the same as including all variables, of course, as long as one is on
             one’s guard against an unrealistic and eventually self-defeating perfectionism. Comparative
             politics should avoid the trap into which the decision-making approach to the study of
             international politics fell, of specifying and calling for the analysis of an exhaustive list of all
             variables that have any possible influence on the decision-making process. Parsimony suggests
             that Joseph LaPalombara’s call for a “segmented approach” aiming at the formulation of middle-
             range propositions concerning partial systems makes a great deal of sense. Similarly, Eckstein’s
             urgent call for greater manageability of the field should be carefully heeded: “The most obvious
             need in the field at present is simplification—and simplification on a rather grand scale—for
             human intelligence and scientific method can scarcely cope with the large numbers of variables,
             the heaps of concepts, and the mountains of data that seem at present to be required, and
             indeed to exist, in the field.”
             It is no accident that the most fruitful applications of the comparative method have been in
             anthropological research. In primitive societies, the number of variables is not as bewilderingly
             large as in more advanced societies. All relevant factors can therefore be more easily surveyed


                                           LOVELY PROFESSIONAL UNIVERSITY                                        25
   25   26   27   28   29   30   31   32   33   34   35