Page 92 - DSOC202_SOCIAL_STRATIFICATION_ENGLISH

Unit 5: Forms of Social Stratification

Middle Classes and Professional Elites Notes
The pre-British middle classes comprised of the merchant, the artisan and the landed aristocracy
having their roots in ‘authoritarianism’ . During the British period, the structure and complexion
of the middle classes transformed due to a variety of factors and policy changes. The new middle
classes included the businessmen and entrepreneurs, industrialists, landed people, educated groups,
professionals, etc. The middle classes are basically trained ‘service groups’, and therefore, serve
both the upper and the lower classes, though not making available their services in equal measure.
The structure of the middle classes after independence has undergone a considerable change in
terms of their size, functions and role mainly due to the nature and character of the Indian State.
A brief sketch of some selected studies is provided below.
In the context of anti-reservation agitations in Gujarat, Shah (1987) writes : “The middle class has
grown in size disproportionately with economic growth in Gujarat. While their aspirations have
risen, they are unable to satisfy their needs and maintain the traditional status, and therefore,
experience a strong sense of deprivation. This is specially true of the upper and middle caste
members who are jealous of the new entrants from the traditionally low castes.” For Shah, the
middle class is a class between labour and capital.
The middle classes in India are a product of both capitalist development and the state. The anti-
reservation agitations in Gujarat as understood by Shah imply a conflict-situation between the
entrenched middle classes and the lower classes aspiring for the middle classes status by having
access to lucrative white-collar occupations.
Elite formation in India (Navlakha, 1989) is largely determined by the traditional social structure
(particularly caste), religion, language, networks, income, occupational background, education,
family background, etc. The findings of this study show that select social positions are usually
taken by persons from select social strata. This select group controls the positions of prestige,
power and responsibility. Higher education is still under the grip of upper castes, hence it is
‘status-stabilizer’ (Jayaram, 1977) rather than an invader on status-rigidities. In four most prestigious
institutions in Bangalore, despite a long history of reservations, 60 per cent Brahmin and 34 per
cent Lingayat and Vokkaliga students were admitted to prepare them for higher professional and
administrative careers, whereas only 4 per cent lower caste students found placement for this
programme.
Navalkha’s findings (1989) are quite revealing. As many as 81.3 per cent of the Hindu respondents
hailed from upper caste groups (Brahmin, Kayastha, Vaishya and Kshtriya), 6.8 per cent came
from the higher cultivating and other intermediate castes, and only 4.6 per cent belonged to lower
castes. Further, 86.5 per cent of the respondents were of urban origin, 89.3 per cent were educated
in modern educational institutions and 79 per cent of the respondents came from the highest
advantaged stratum of the society.
Let us now take up a few studies of professions. A study of lawyers and law students in Pune,
conducted by S.P. Sathe, Shaila Kunchur and Smita Kahikar (1982) and commented upon by H.K.
Pranjape (1983) shows that the Brahmins dominate the profession both in terms of quantity and
professional success. The proportion of lawyers from the backward classes is quite small, and
most of them are recent entrants to the system. They also earn much less. However, women
lawyers from among the backward classes are more as compared to Brahmin and other Hindus.
The main reason given in the study is that it is easier to accept a backward woman lawyer as
junior practitioner. Several studies in the field of sociology of law and legal profession have been
conducted in the recent past. Notable among these are by J.S. Gandhi (1982), K.L. Sharma (1982,
1984, 1988), Upendra Baxi (1982), S.L. Sharma (1985), S.K. Lal (1988), Yogendra Singh (1989), and
T.K. Oommen (1983). These studies provide sketches of stratification among lawyers and relations
between lawyers, judges, munshis, touts and clients.

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