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Unit 5: Forms of Social Stratification

One common feature of all these middle classes is that “they do not themselves produce any Notes
values in the material product sense of value” (Ibid.). “Members of this (middle) class therefore
depend for their economic gains on the largesse of the other two ruling classes as well as the state”
(Ibid.). However, there is no homogeneity among its members in terms of income, wealth and
level of living. Very high inequality exists within the classes in respect of these criteria. Another
commonalty is of ‘social’ nature, that is, they all can be regarded as a ‘babu class’, ‘salaried people’
or the class of people earning equivalent to the salaried class. One more point of commonalty
among them is found in terms of ‘culture and ideology’. The intelligentsia as a class have
contradictions and conflict of interests with other classes, while the intelligentia are considered as
an ally and not as an adversary by the traditional ruling class.
Beteille (1989), while generally accepting Rudra’s hypothesis regarding intelligentia as a third co-
opted ruling class in India, observes that intellectuals in India would not like to associate them-selves
with the exploiters of the masses—the workers and the peasants. Beteille suggests for seeking
more empirical evidence before we arrive at some conclusion on the status and role of the
intelligentia (Ibid.). Main disagreement is expressed by Beteille about the concepts of ‘class’ and
‘contradiction’. Beteille writes : “I maintain that contradiction is an inherent feature of all human
societies whereas others believe that it is a feature of some or even most societies, but not necessarily
all” (Ibid.).
Pranab Bardhan (1984) is also critical of Ashok Rudra’s understanding of India’s ‘middle classes’.
He writes : “Ashok Rudra underestimates the power of the professional class vis-a-vis the other
two dominant classes. Compared to most western countries, the state is considerably more
autonomous in India not merely in the political spheres but as a predominant economic actor. In
some sense the state has captured the commanding heights of the economy, and sections of the
professional class which run this gigantic machinery have thereby acquired powers which are not
just of a junior partner in the ruling coalition. Further, because of the increasing social and economic
interpretation among these classes, the conflicts among the classes in the dominant coalition are
likely to decline” (1989). The public sector professionals benefit directly from all kinds of state
subsidies and indirectly from the rental income earned by the state (Bardhan, 1984).
Middle classes are not direct rulers nor are they economic producers like the industrialists, workers
and peasants. There is a marked lack of homogeneity among different middle classes. In Fact,
structural distinctions are quite marked even between the apparently equal/homogeneous classes.
Some classes are not so important in people’s eyes, yet they enjoy high prestige because of the
autonomy of their professions and the networks which they develop simply as a by-product of
their professional obligations. These points require further probing.

Indian Working Class
For Marx the central issue was the understanding of the productive system in which the interests
of the owners of the means of production and the wage-earning working class clashed. Marx
always thought of ways and means for organizing the working class into a collective force to
transform the capitalist system into a socialist society. Connections between social relations of
production, social organization of the exploited classes and the state power formed the main basis
of Marxian analysis. The growing social power of the organized working class was taken as a
challenge to the authority of the state. Weber always emphasized on the problem of authority and
legitimacy. ‘Rational authority’ was considered as key to the smooth functioning of bureaucracy
and modern state.
Petras (1980), however, considers the notion of ‘political legitimacy’ as irrelevant issue or at best
a derivative or subsidiary concern. “Different electoral regimes derive their legitimacy from different
class reference groups and different balance of class forces.” Power creates its own legitimacy. The
organized working class itself becomes a power to reckon with, as it is embodiment of the class

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